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Celebrations aside, the end of the fasting month and Lebaran ought to be a time of introspection for Indonesia’s 200 million Muslims. It should be a time to take stock of where both the nation and the ummah (congregation) are headed.

With Nazaruddin’s case hogging the headlines, it’s hard to avoid the ever-present issue of corruption and its pernicious impact on the republic’s economy. At the same time, the process of revamping and appointing new commissioners for the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) seems to be doing little to boost public confidence in the government’s ability to manage the problem.

With all this in mind, Indonesians should perhaps take a good look at what’s going on elsewhere in the world, and especially in India.

Much like Indonesia, India has also experienced a tremendous burst of economic activity. At a time when Europe and the United States are nursing anemic economies, the Reserve Bank of India, in its recently released quarterly projections, said it expected 7.7 percent growth — the lowest growth figure in more than 18 months.

However, the expansion has come at an immense cost to public values and ethics. Indeed, ordinary Indians (not unlike Indonesians) are increasingly appalled by the systemic and pervasive corruption in their everyday lives as well as the unending stream of high-level scandals — ranging from the improper sale of 2G telecom licences to graft in the preparations for the 2010 Commonwealth Games in Delhi.

As an aside, it’s interesting to note how sporting events, time and again, have provided opportunities for the unscrupulous to make money.

Given the backdrop, it’s not surprising that Anna (Anna means big brother in Hindi) Hazare’s anticorruption campaign has found so much resonance in Indian public life.

According to Indian media sources, the 74-year-old Hazare has been a resolute fighter of corruption for more than three decades. A military man turned Gandhian, he spent many years promoting his brand of socioeconomic and spiritual development in his home village of Ralegan Siddhi in the booming state of Maharashtra.

However, by the 1990s, Hazare turned his attention beyond his village, targeting corruption in his home state and employing the tactics of his hero, Gandhi, by using selective hunger strikes against politicians and policies he disapproved of.

Matters came to a head this year when Hazare demanded that the Indian government adopt legislation his supporters had drafted for the appointment of an anticorruption ombudsman. Hazare said the original bill was ineffective and allowed for too much external political interference.

Hazare’s Jan Lokpal (“People’s Protector”) ombudsman commission would have the power to investigate all levels of the government (including the prime minister), directly impose punishments on offenders and provide protection for whistle-blowers. It would even have the power to obtain wiretaps on suspects.

When Prime Minister Mamohan Singh’s rejected his demands, Hazare famously launched a “fast-unto-death,” leading to his arrest in Delhi. This, in turn, led to a groundswell of support as well as nationwide demonstrations. While the Congress-led Indian government initially held firm, the outcry eventually forced it to back down. Hazare was released and Singh promised to draft the bill according to the former’s specifications.

What can Indonesia learn from Hazare’s crusade?

First off, while many observers have criticized his undemocratic (some have even said fascistic) inclinations, popular sentiment is broadly with Hazare because of his perceived sincerity and integrity.

Second, as existing institutions have failed to curb corruption, Indians have shown their willingness to dispense with constitutional niceties. Desperate times call for desperate measures.

All of which begs the next question: Does Indonesia need its own Anna Hazare? The current ruling class certainly appears to have failed to quell the rising tide of corruption. Could it be then that what Indonesia needs is a charismatic, morally irreproachable figure, who shuns politics but at the same time holds its players accountable?

Who would he or she be, and what would this mean for Indonesia as a whole? What price would Indonesians be willing to pay to clean up their system? Does democracy sometimes need to be rolled back to save it from itself?

These are the questions that Indonesians need to be asking themselves, and soon.

Karim Raslan is a writer who divides his time between Malaysia and Indonesia.