Indonesia Police at Fault for Violence Against Them: ICG
Ulma Haryanto | February 17, 2012
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498577Two things spring readily to mind. Weak leadership (or complicit) when dealing with violations of any nature but especially those involving violence by the police and second corruption - it seems you can buy your way out of anything and that is not lost on the long hand of the law
The rot it seems is top down and getting worse for certain
“The more arrests they make, regardless of the severity of the crime, the better they are seen to be doing their job,” it says.
Precisely the reason they are seen in this way. Do they really think that police only job is to arrest people. How about serving the public interest
I have nothing to say; speechless. This article speaks the truth of the corrupt police force.
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The slew of clashes between communities and police officers and the apparent increase in public distrust in the law enforcement body are signs of a systemic problem in the National Police, according to a report released by the International Crisis Group on Thursday.
From August 2010 to January 2012, the ICG recorded some 40 mob attacks on police and police stations that were all direct responses to abuse, real or perceived, by the police.
“These incidents are emblematic of a much broader problem; the Indonesian government should stop treating them as isolated incidents,” said Jim Della-Giacoma, ICG’s Southeast Asia project director.
“They represent a systemic failure that will encourage further deadly violence unless the underlying causes of community hostility are addressed.”
The report, titled “Indonesia: The Deadly Cost of Poor Policing,” looked closely at three attacks: in Buol, Central Sulawesi, where seven men were shot dead during a mass protest against the death of a teenager in police custody; in Kampar, Riau, where a clan elder was arrested and beaten; and in Bantaeng, South Sulawesi, after one villager died from a police raid.
Aside from destroyed police facilities, the incident in Buol also led to police families fleeing for their safety, prompting a rush of requests for transfers from officers.
“Even [a] year later, residents still use it as a reason to violate laws and disobey the police,” the report said.
The report also notes that trivial arrests, which are often reported on by national media, frequently occur because police are rewarded for favorable crime statistics.
“The more arrests they make, regardless of the severity of the crime, the better they are seen to be doing their job,” it says.
The report also concludes that in such cases, police are protecting themselves and not being transparent.
“[Also they] are too quick to shoot, too often with live ammunition,” the report continues, adding that accountability for suspected police wrongdoing only occurs in the face of widespread media coverage.
“And even then [accountability] is usually partial and unsatisfactory,” the report says.
Achmad Sukarsono, an ICG analyst, said the problems could be traced to an ill-conceived national strategy for police reform.
“The National Police has always identified police reform with community policing,” Achmad said.
The term “community policing” has been around since 1999, Achmad said, which was when the police were formally separated from the military.
“There were pilot projects on community policing everywhere,” he added.
However, he said, community policing was only formally etched into the police’s directives in 2005 by then-police chief Gen. Sutanto.
According to the report, community policing was second only to enforcing justice in the priorities outlined in the 20-year grand strategy (2005-2025).
“By then, community policing had become a fashionable aid program for donors but without clear nationwide direction,” the report said.
The directive defined community policing as “an equal partnership between officers and local communities in resolving and overcoming every social problem threatening public security and order.”
But, as the report notes, the recent rash of attacks on police stations and personnel are clear evidence that community policing, the focal point of the police reform agenda, is not working.
Last month, Indonesia Police Watch issued a similar warning in response to the sharp increase in attacks on police offices and facilities.
IPW recorded that as many as 65 police offices and facilities were either burned or vandalized by members of the public in 2011, up from 20 such incidents in 2010.
IPW chairman Neta S. Pane attributed the blame to arrogance and repressive acts by police officers on field.
In the Line of Fire: Two Years of Clashes
According to the International Crisis Group, there have been at least 40 attacks on the police since August 2010. Indonesia Police Watch said that in 2011, 48 police offices, 12 vehicles and five houses were vandalized.
Aug. 31, 2010
Seven people die in a clash between residents of Buol district in Central Sulawesi and Buol Police. The mob attack was spurred by the death of 19-year-old Kasmir Timumun in police custody. By the end of last year, 26 officers had received disciplinary punishments.
Feb. 23, 2011
Two civilians are hit by a stray bullet after a six-hour confrontation between villagers in Kampar, Riau, and police. The siege was triggered by the arrest of a trader on suspicion of illegal gambling, because he was writing numbers on a piece of paper. In fact, he was noting product prices. He was taken away after being beaten.
June 2, 2011
Three civilians are injured and a community leader dies after a police raid in Bantaeng, South Sulawesi, prompting residents to run amok. The Bantaeng district head steps in to prevent further clashes. No one is ever charged for the violence.
Nov. 24, 2011
More than 10,000 workers march in Batam to demand a wage increase. As they walk through industrial zones, they reportedly start torching police cars and smashing windows.
Dec. 26, 2011
A mob vandalizes the Lembor Police office in East Nusa Tenggara after a man died in police custody, allegedly after being tortured.
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