Where are Indonesia's Regional Funds Going?
October 23, 2009
Corruption watchdogs suspect money meant for local development is being spent on vote-buying instead. (Photo: Adek Berry, AFP) Related articles
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337200The question hardly deserves an answer. Check out the huge homes, flash cars and bulging bank accounts of local politicians, regional/district heads, their families and cronies. The crimes of many in power are there for all to see, most are too stupid and or arrogant to cover it very well.
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An investigation conducted by Indonesia Corruption Watch and the Asia
Research Center has uncovered major points of concern regarding the
allocation of money used to fund regional government expenditures.
Teten
Masduki, secretary general of the ICW, said on Thursday the case study
of two districts and one municipality raised fears that the allocations
could be used for “money politics,” or vote-buying, in the lead-up to
246 individual regional elections in 2010.
The allocations, also known as DAU, are intended to be used for development programs.
“Allocation
funds have enormous potential to be misused for political mobilization
during and after elections to maintain support,” Teten said during a
discussion in Jakarta on regional budget allocations from the central
government.
A statement released by Teten, Dr . Ian Wilson and
Luky Djani — both from Murdoch University in Western Australia — said
the study of various districts revealed “widespread and deeply
entrenched irregularities in development planning and budget
allocations” distributed by Regional Development Planning Councils
(Musrenbang).
These districts include Kota Bau-Bau in Southeast Sulawesi, Kabupaten Tabanan in Bali and Kota Bandung in West Java
The
development planning councils, which are meant to address problems at
the lower levels of communities and encourage public participation in
determining government planning priorities, were set up under the 2004
National Development Planning Law.
In principle, according to
the statement, the councils operate as forums where government and
nongovernmental groups can identify, deliberate and reach a consensus
on a district’s development agenda, as well as the allocation of
budgets for community development, including basic infrastructure and
village allocation funds.
However, the researchers found the
consultative process was used locally in ways that “fundamentally
undermine and subvert the principle of participation.”
The
report said that “rather than acting as an interface between local
stakeholders and government,” the process “has been used to consolidate
informal patron-client networks with subsequent impacts on budget
allocation outcomes.”
According to the report, there is
evidence of budget allocations being used “as a means of dispensing
favor to ensure political loyalty, and the exclusion of critical
representative voices from the participatory process.”
Local
nongovernmental organizations and journalists, who have questioned or
exposed irregularities, have been subject to both intimidation and
censure.
According to the report, the apparent ease with which
entrenched interests have been able to manipulate the participatory
forums raises more fundamental questions regarding the nature of public
participation.
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