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Much has been said about the special, personal and emotional links between US President Barack Obama and Indonesia. It is fitting, therefore, that his visit will be ushering in a new era of US-Indonesia relations, one marked by comprehensive partnership, the broadening and deepening of our relations and cooperation.

The idea of a comprehensive partnership was first proposed by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in Washington in November 2008. The response of the United States was positive and immediate. During her visit to Jakarta in February last year, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton confirmed that our bilateral relations would indeed be enhanced through a US-Indonesia Comprehensive Partnership.

Since then, Secretary Clinton and I have had several valuable opportunities, including bilateral meetings on the sidelines of the APEC meeting in Singapore last November, to further develop the concept. I wish to underscore how much I appreciate the exchange of views with Secretary Clinton on many issues of common concern.

Indonesia Transformed

During his visit, the US president will find an Indonesia much transformed from the country he left early in the 1970s. Indeed, change permeates Indonesia. At that time, it is fair to say that Indonesia was marked by a democratic deficit.

Today, Indonesia is the third largest democracy in the world, living proof that democracy, Islam and modernity can flourish together, and testament to the fact that democracy, at all levels of governance, from national to local, is ultimately the best guarantor for national unity and cohesion. Indeed, I can find no greater contribution to the global cause for democracy and human rights in the past decade than that which has been achieved in Indonesia, where nearly a quarter of a billion people now enjoy rights and liberties that had hitherto been denied to them.

As we begin the second decade of the 21st century, Indonesia is reaping the democratic dividend of its transformation: in the peaceful resolution of previously intractable conflicts (here, resolution of the decades-long conflict in Aceh comes to mind); in the forging of a foreign policy of a million friends and zero enemies, thus giving our independent and active foreign policy a 21st century context; in the democratization of its foreign policy; and in the strengthening of its economy, not least through the promotion of transparency and good governance.

Contrast the situation three decades ago of an Indonesia whose development efforts were overseen by what was then called the Intergovernmental Group on Indonesia (IGGI). A decade ago even, of an Indonesia needing the intervention of the IMF. Today, Indonesia occupies a permanent seat in the G-20, the premier forum on global economic issues.

In short, Indonesia has changed. It has transformed for the better. It is democratic. Today, as fellow democracies, Indonesia and the United States share much in common.

Through the upcoming visit, we would very much like to see the promotion of a true partnership between fellow democracies that is forward-looking and full of optimism about the potential of the future rather than a relationship that is shackled by the failings of the past.

A partnership which strengthens the capacity of our democratic institutions — but one that is at the same time cognizant of the importance of national ownership.

A partnership which recognizes that even a young democracy like Indonesia has much to impart and share, based on its long-held and practiced principles of moderation and tolerance.

In short, I have every confidence that much as our democratic transformation has unleashed the full potential of Indonesia, it will also herald a new era in Indonesia-US relations.

Global Change

Of course, our relations cannot be viewed in isolation from the regional and global milieu. These too are marked by changes. Indonesia must respond to the challenges and, above all, to the opportunities presented by the geopolitical shift to the Asia Pacific in recent years. It is a trend which is likely to intensify.

Thus, we are today witnessing a dynamic and fluid geopolitical environment, as evidenced by the ongoing discussion on what is termed the regional architecture.

Our views are well defined. They are in keeping not only with our national interests, but also with the region’s collective interests. Our vision is that of an Asia-Pacific regional architecture marked by inclusion rather than exclusion; of a constellation of interstate relations marked by a concert, and indeed, a community of nations working hand in hand in the promotion of regional peace, stability and prosperity, rather than one marked by the domination of one over the other.

It is a view anchored by the firm belief that it is possible to inject a new paradigm for the region, one that eschews zero-sum assumptions and instead sees in one country’s advancement and progress opportunities rather than threat.

It is a view for collective progress and advancement, a paradigm that emphasizes the peaceful resolution of conflicts and the efficacy of diplomacy and dialogue over the use of force.

Indeed, this is much the way Asean has developed since its inception. Despite the challenges it continues to face, the association has in recent years undergone its own transformation. Indeed, in less than five years it is to achieve an Asean Community in the economic, politico-security and sociocultural arenas. It is by no means an accident that Asean’s ongoing transformation coincided with Indonesia’s own transformation.

Asean community-building is inseparable from the wider Asia Pacific community-building. The various “Asean plus” processes, other related Asean-led efforts — most notably the East Asia Summit and the Asean Regional Forum — and APEC are the multiple pathways toward an Asia-Pacific community.

From our perspective, the inclusion of the United States in this evolving regional architecture offers positive potentials.

The Road Ahead

The road map ahead is encouraging. The Asean-US Dialogue, begun in 1977, has over the past year enjoyed significant stimulus, namely the US accession to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation as well as the convening of the First Asean-US Leaders Meeting. With these important developments, the participation of the United States in the East Asia Summit is made more plausible.

Together with a possible similar participation by Russia, the East Asia Summit, with its present inclusion of the 10 Asean member states and the so-called “plus six” (Australia, China, India, Japan, New Zealand and South Korea), has the potential to become the primary vehicle for the attainment of an Asia Pacific-wide community. Indonesia is ready to work with the United States and our regional partners in the realization of such a vision.

Beyond our own nation and region, we are truly in the midst of a transformational phase in international relations. The financial, economic, energy and food crises, the threat of communicable diseases and the challenge of climate change and terrorism. They add to the list of traditional challenges, such as conflict resolution, nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation. Not a single one is ripe for solution at the national level.

By their very nature, these challenges demand multilateral collaboration. They demand an effective United Nations in a central role — a UN whose governance better reflects the contemporary world.

Indonesia looks forward to working with the United States in promoting multilateral diplomacy, including in moving forward the UN reform agenda, not least its Security Council.

Thus, Indonesia envisages working closely with the United States in promoting greater understanding within the international community, in attaining the Millennium Development Goals, in achieving a world free from nuclear weapons and in addressing the threat of climate change, as well as in mitigating the effects of natural disasters.

In facing all these issues, and more, Indonesia shall constantly present itself as part of the solution.

Keys to Partnership

Equality, mutual respect, common interests and shared benefits are key principles as we forge a comprehensive partnership to address the challenges of the 21st century. A partnership that complements and is consistent with our independent and active foreign policy. One that covers a wide range of sectors: education, food security, science and technology, energy, trade and investment, security, good governance, environment and health — all sectors critical to Indonesia’s long-term development.

Such a partnership includes people-to-people relations and soft-power diplomacy.

Thus, for example, we must tackle head-on the disappointing reality that the number of Indonesians studying in the United States has declined significantly, from 14,000 a decade ago to some 7,000 today. This needs to be reversed again with an urgent policy of promoting educational linkages.

We also need to ensure that a wide range of key stakeholders are active in enriching this partnership: including lawmakers on both sides, the business community, academics, informal leaders, journalists and the provinces.

Change is prevalent in Indonesia. I sincerely believe that while it poses obvious challenges it also presents fresh opportunities. Most of all, I am convinced that change in Indonesia, in our region and in the global milieu will usher in a new era in Indonesia-US relations: a comprehensive partnership for the 21st century anchored in our commitment to peace, freedom, prosperity, rule of law and tolerance.

 

Marty M Natalegawa is the Indonesian minister of foreign affairs. The text is excerpted from his recent keynote address before the United States-Indonesia Society (USINDO) in Jakarta.